Historically, and particularly since 1961, Greece has systemati-cally pursued a deliberate policy of colonizing and annexing Cyprus (a process they term “Enosis”), due to which 60,000 Turkish Cypriots were forced to leave their homes, memories and belongings in 1964 after the fierce attacks of Greek militia and a further 60,000 in 1974, as the outcome of the notorious coup d’etat against Archbishop Makarios III, staged by Greek generals in Greece.
This is being done in order to change the demographic structure of the island, to control and adulterate the 1960 Treaty of Establish-ment of the Republic of Cyprus. Such attempts at consolidating the transformation of Cyprus’s demographic character continued even after the events of 1974.
Under international law mass transfers by another country of its own civilian population into territories outside its boundaries to change demographic structure is illegal. Greece sent over its own population to the island of Cyprus in the early 1900s, and more consistently since 1961.
Weeks before the parliamentary elections held on May 21, 2006 on the Greek Cypriot side, Greek Cypriot Interior Minister Andreas Hristu announced the election areas and the number of voters.
According to the announcement the number of ballot centers was 1,300 and election areas six, defined as Paphos, Limasol, Larnaca, Nicosia, Famagusta and Kyrenia.
In this particular election, for the first time since 1963, Turkish Cypriots settled in southern Cyprus and registered on the electoral roll were allowed to use their votes.
The crucial part of the announcement was the number of the ad-ditional voters. It revealed a dramatic increase of 30,000 on top of the existing 470,000 voters, with the new total topping 500,000.
When the backgrounds of these 500,000 voters were analyzed, a stunning outcome surfaced, clearly revealing the number of Greek set-tlers clandestinely accumulated on the island since 1961.
The breakdown of “Greek settlers” in this electoral list of 500,000 is approximately as follows:
Pontus Greek Cypriots: 60,000 – 70,000
Citizens of the former Soviet Republic: 30,000
Christians who fled Lebanon: 15,000 – 20,000
Immigrants from Greece: 100,000
Asylum seeker Kurds: 2,500 – 3,000
Asylum seeker citizens from third countries: 9,500
Total of “Greek settlers in Cyprus”: approximately 230,000
According to the existing but unpublished Greek Cabinet Decision of 1964, any Greek citizen who has done his military service in Cyprus or served in the Greek National Army (Ethniki Fruro) automatically becomes a citizen of the Republic of Cyprus (Greek Cyprus).
For years one Greek regiment and two battalions of Greek Com-mandos were deployed on the island and thousands of Greek officers served in the Greek Cypriot National Guard. These privates and army officers, who change every two years, have, since 1964, automatically become citizens.
Most Greek Cypriots go to study in Greece, get married and return to Cyprus. Their partners also immediately become citizens.
The Pontus Greeks (Pontii) and citizens of the former Soviet re-publics were made citizens soon after they settled on the island from 1974 and 1982, respectively.
Opening their arms to the wealthy Christians who fled the war in Lebanon, the Greek Cypriots also made them citizens. Furthermore, according to EU norms, Kurds and citizens from third countries who seek asylum automatically become citizens.
Why are only Turkish Cypriots consistently blamed for bringing in 40,000 settlers from Turkey, while the Greek Cypriots are not, although they have given citizenship to 230,000 non-Greek Cypriots and dramatically changed the demographic structure of the island?
Simerini, Greek Cypriot Newspaper, April 30, 2006; Mahi, Greek Cypriot Newspaper, Sept. 20, 2006; Simerini, Greek Cypriot Newspaper, Nov. 28, 2006; Politis, Greek Cypriot Newspaper Jan. 14, 2007; Politis, Greek Cypriot Newspa-per, Feb. 6, 2007